Causal-final

The abstract relationship between locative-temporal and causal-final adverbials is well reflected in their realization in the case system.

There is, from Early Latin onwards, a causal-final use of the preposition de with adjectives like lassus and sollicitus.

...everywhere include: benefactive (i.e. the action denoted by the suffix-bearing verb is carried out for the benefit of someone e.g. 'buy for someone'); instrumental (e.g. 'wash with something'); comitative (especially with the semantic shade of taking or carrying somebody, or something, with oneself when moving (e.g. when flying away); also various other situations of doing something together with somebody or something), and causal-final (i.e. the action is carried out because of something, in view of something, or for something, in order that some event might take place, etc.).

The causal-final noun suffix -ért 'for' surfaces in the next sample, in place of an allative -hoz or, alternatively, illative -ba, both 'to'.

The demonstrative pronoun in the causal-final case azért 'for the (following) reason' introduces clauses of purpose.

Generalising slightly it can thus be said that the organic process has its causal-final explanation and the meaning relationship manifested within the sphere of intentionality has its own structural history.

The second type of sustained agency engages a veto by excluding a certain number of causal-final acts, which would be out of place, from the calibrated acts of ritual performance.

This substep is not so different from the previous one. Van de Graaf and Hoppe (2000) distinguish between causal–final and normative arguments.